() and co-author with David P. Barash of Peace and Conflict Studies (). .. on the relationship between economic theory and practice and the. Peace and conflict studies is a social science field that identifies and analyzes violent and . Other denominations with more than one college or university with a peace studies program are the In , the Peace and Justice Studies Association (PJSA) was formed as a result of a merger of two precursor organisations. Peace linguistics: relationships between language, communication, education and peace. Researches helped to understand conflict.
The debate at the Business Meeting was spirited but in the end, inconclusive; and so the motion was tabled at that time. In order to help us frame these issues, I would like to begin with a series of questions: What are the boundaries between peace studies and conflict studies, if any?
If there are boundaries, are they hard and fast, or is there overlap? Does the semantic separation mask a unity of the field do we call ourselves different things only because of institutional pressures? In attempting to address some of these questions I begin with an article by Elizabeth Dahl focusing on the philosophical similarities and differences between peace studies and conflict resolution.
A PS criticism of CR as accepting ambiguity regarding whom to blame for violence and a concomitant willingness to accept—and possibly reify—power structures by treating both sides impartially. The CR view that positive changes can take place if dialogue and other processes are followed; with the understanding that this may require engaging with elements one might consider distasteful. A more revolutionary view of the term peace as espoused by critical PS; in effect requiring much more social change or social engineering than CR as a whole.
Peacekeeping falls under the aegis of negative peace, whereas efforts toward positive peace involve elements of peace building and peacemaking.
This poses some challenges, as the military is an institution overtly committed to combat. In the article "Teaching Peace to the Military", published in the journal Peace Review James Page argues for five principles that ought to undergird this undertaking, namely, respect but do not privilege military experience, teach the just war theory, encourage students to be aware of the tradition and techniques of nonviolence, encourage students to deconstruct and demythologize, and recognize the importance of military virtue.
Critical peace and conflict studies: This research agenda is in the process of establishing a more nuanced agenda for peacebuilding which also connects with the original, qualitatively and normatively oriented work that emerged in the peace studies and conflict research schools of the s e.
Hence this school prefers the strictly relational and systemic method of elicitive conflict transformation Lederach  to the prescriptive approaches of modern conflict resolution. Kay wrote that Galtung has written on the "structural fascism" of "rich, Western, Christian" democracies, admires Fidel Castroopposed resistance to the Soviet Invasion of Hungary inand has described Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov as "persecuted elite personages.
Peace and conflict studies - Wikipedia
Galtung has also stated that the United States is a "killer country" that is guilty of "neo-fascist state terrorism" and has reportedly stated that the destruction of Washington, D. More broadly, he argued that Peace Studies are dominated by the belief that "America Webel and David P.
Kennedy while praising Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev for "be[ing] willing to back down. Thomascriticized his university's Peace Studies Program in an interview with Minneapolis Star Tribune instating that the program employs several adjunct professors "whose academic qualifications are not as strong as we would ordinarily look for" and that "The combination of the ideological bite and the maybe less-than-full academic credentials of the faculty would probably raise some questions about how scholarly the program is.
Kay attempts to portray advocates for peace as naive and idealistic, but the data shows that the large majority of armed conflicts in recent decades have been ended through negotiations, not military solutions. In the contemporary world, violence is less effective than diplomacy in ending armed conflict. A range of key policy documents and responses have been developed by these governments in the last decade and more, and in UN or related documentation such as "Agenda for Peace", "Agenda for Development", "Agenda for Democratization", the Millennium Development GoalsResponsibility to Protectand the "High Level Panel Report".
Peace and conflict studies
Major databases have been generated by the work of scholars in these areas. No one will have agreed to these expectations per se, nor are they connected to any particular interest, but they nonetheless comprise a social contract albeit an indirect one covering the social system. The prices of goods in a free market comprise such an indirect social contract evolving from the diverse direct contracts between buyers and sellers. A second type of theoretical dimension delineates a social contract's generality.
One such dimension concerns whether a contract is unique or common.Learn How To Resolve Conflict & Restore Relationships with Rick Warren
A unique social contract is a one-time-only agreement within a unique situation and concerning nonrepetitive events or interaction between the parties. Such is the implicit agreement wrought in an alley by a thug, whose knife coerces you to hand over your money; another example is a two-hour ceasefire agreement to enable combatants to clear the battlefield of wounded, or a neutral state granting American relief planes a once-only flyover to rush food and medicine to earthquake victims in a neighboring state.
By contrast, a common social contract involves repeated events or patterns of interaction. Treaties, legal contracts, constitutions, and charters are usually of this type. Clearly, the unique-common dimension is a continuum, since between the unique two-minute holdup and the common, overriding political constitution of a state are a variety of social contracts combining in different ways unique and common expectations.
Turning to the second generality dimension shown in Table 2.
The latter covers a society, community, or a group. Constitutions or charters are of this type, as are an organization's bylaws. While this may seem clear enough, there is an intellectual trap to avoid here--that of always viewing collective social contracts as necessarily constructed, designed, or the explicit and conscious outcome of a rational process of negotiation.
The integrated system of abstract rules, norms, mores, and customs spanning a society form an indirect, collective social contract.
It is implicit and informal; its expectations are partly conscious, partly unconscious. The system of informal rules of the road is such a collective agreement governing, along with coextensive formal traffic laws, a community of drivers. While no group of people may have formally or consciously agreed to a collective social contract--while such may emerge from various, lower-level social contracts, many of which are conscious agreements--it is still based on a particular balance of powers, now involving all members of the collective.
Consider, for example, the historically rapid dissolution and restructuring of collective expectations involving rules, customs, and laws that have occurred as a result of conquest such as Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia conquered and absorbed by the Soviet Union inof military defeat and occupation as of Hitler's national socialist, totalitarian Germanyor revolution witness the French and Russian Revolutions, or the Cambodian social revolution of the Khmer Rouge.
Of course, not all norms, customs, or customary laws are changed, no more than a new bilateral or multilateral contract will discard all previous expectations. New social contracts build on the old. However, a new social contract, collective or otherwise, will be meaningfully different; associated interaction between the parties will change significantly.
Finally, the third dimension defining a contract's generality may be narrow, middle range, or overarching. A narrow contract concerns only a few interests, events, or behaviors, such as a contract to paint a car, a trade treaty increasing the quota on imported sugar, or the price of a Sony television set.
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A marriage contract stipulating duties and rights of spouses, an organization's constitution, or the system of norms covering a society are some examples. Between the narrow and overarching are a variety of middlerange social contracts covering or involving a large amount of behavior, but not the whole society.
One's work contract, an alliance between states, and a peace treaty are examples in this middle range. The third type of dimension shown in Table 2. In the dimension of coerciveness, the parties to social contract may voluntarily accept it, or one or more parties may be coerced into it, either by other parties to the contract or by a third party, such as in a shotgun wedding or governmentally imposed, union-management contract.
Between freely determined and coerced contracts are those which one or more parties agree to out of necessity. That is, circumstances, the environment, or events leave virtually no realistic or practical choice. In a one-company mining town where a person has his roots, he may have little, socially meaningful choice but to contract for work with the company.
A second polarity-type dimension concerns whether a social contract is solidary, neutral, or antagonistic.